Indeterminative Critique: Epistemic Certitude and the Temporality of Crisis

By Malay Firoz

Directions November 2023

I first arrived in Jordan in 2013 to start fieldwork on the international humanitarian response to the Syrian refugee crisis, shortly after more than half a million Syrians had fled the civil war to neighboring countries. At the time, humanitarian actors were operating under their traditional mandate of providing short-term emergency relief to address immediate needs, with the expectation that Bashar al-Assad’s regime would soon collapse—as other dictatorships had during the Arab Spring—and Syrians would return home. Some international observers even spoke, prematurely as it turned out, of what a post-Assad era might look like. By 2015, however, their prognoses had darkened. Shortly after I moved to Lebanon in September of that year, Russia commenced an aerial bombing campaign in Syria to prop up the beleaguered Assad regime, all but guaranteeing that the conflict would rage on and precipitate a protracted refugee crisis in the region. With no end in sight, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) began advocating for a development and “resilience-based” approach to aid, known as the Dead Sea Resilience Agenda, which would partner with refugee-hosting states in the region to strengthen the “ability of households, communities, and societies to withstand shocks and stresses” (UNDP, 2015, 2).The rise of resilience humanitarianism signals a paradigm shift in the sector’s foundational moral tenets. The concept of resilience, drawn from studies of complex ecological systems, gained salience in the early 2000s in diverse fields of international policymaking, including urban planning, economic development, national security, disaster preparedness, and climate change mitigation (Chandler, 2012; Corry, 2014; O’Malley, 2010; Tierney, 2015). Within the aid world, the term serves as a guiding principle for institutional reform efforts that seek to integrate humanitarian relief with more sustainable, long-term development assistance in order to promote refugee self-reliance, reduce aid dependency, and ease socio-economic pressures on asylum countries (Easton-Calabria & Omata, 2018; Lie, 2020). While such efforts have a longer history (Crisp, 2001; Hilhorst, 2018), the Resilience Agenda established the first major international consensus on reframing humanitarian crises as development opportunities to invest in the public sector infrastructure of asylum countries and bolster the social safety nets on which both refugees and vulnerable citizens depend. Following the World Humanitarian Summit in 2016, this approach was formalized into the Grand Bargain agreement between donors and aid organizations, eventually culminating in the UN General Assembly’s adoption of the Global Compact on Refugees in 2018, which provided a blueprint for future humanitarian responses to mass displacement. In other words, a policy concept that had hitherto been confined to development parlance acquired widespread institutional legitimacy after Russia’s military intervention and soon became the prevailing orthodoxy of the aid sector. In this essay, I take a step back from the empirical terrain of my research to explore how ethnography negotiates these rapid transformations in its political landscapes, and what the temporality of crisis reveals about the constitutive logics of anthropological critique.On the one hand, closer cooperation between various stakeholders in the international aid system is a welcome step forward from the lack of centralized regulatory oversight with which humanitarian actors have operated in the past. The Jordanian and Lebanese governments have also supported this program as it reinforces their argument that Syria’s neighbors need greater support to shoulder their disproportionate share of the global migration crisis. On the other hand, both governments have been fearful that resilience-based programs may discourage refugees from returning to Syria, and have therefore obfuscated humanitarian efforts by adopting harsh security policies designed to undermine Syrian resilience, such as raising the cost of residency permits, denying them the right to work, and incarcerating them in refugee camps. Humanitarian organizations and host states thus find themselves locked in an agonistic relationship of cooperation and conflict that I have elsewhere called the “resilience paradox” (Firoz, 2022b), their mandates simultaneously aligning and diverging within an aid agenda ostensibly intended to support both refugees and host communities. Ultimately, the fieldwork I went on to conduct demonstrated that the “resilience turn” in international aid further amplifies the tensions between refugee and citizenship rights as categories of political concern, reproducing the very epistemic silos between humanitarianism and development that it seeks to bridge, and draws aid organizations into problematic entanglements with the transnational containment agendas of governments across the Middle East and Europe.The argument I have sketched above has all the lineaments of a traditional anthropological critique of policy. I start by explaining the empirical terrain of a political problem, describe the representational claims of a technocratic policy intervention devised to solve that problem, then trace the myriad ways in which this intervention not only fails its objectives but further entrenches the problem it was meant to solve when it confronts the ethnographic contexts in which it is embedded. Looking back to 2013, however, neither the problem nor the critique of its solution was apparent to me. I had gone to the field well-versed in anthropological critiques of humanitarian reason—which both challenge and sympathize with its minimalist moral claim to prioritize the alleviation of suffering over the broader remit of biopolitical protection (Fassin, 2012; Redfield, 2013; Malkki, 2015)—and wondered what more I could add to this familiar terrain. Much to my surprise, such arguments were already widely known among my interlocutors, and the turn to resilience was arguably the institutional expression of a growing acceptance among aid practitioners that humanitarianism could not adequately address the proliferating scale of mass displacement. Witnessing the Syrian refugee crisis unfold in those early years left me feeling conceptually ill-equipped to grapple with the new sovereign dispensations that were emerging around me, much less to critique their ramifications for the future of international aid.I take my initial sense of conceptual disorientation during fieldwork as a heuristic to think about what critique means in anthropology and how its objects and analytics are assembled through ethnography. I want to begin by suggesting that the classical practice of critique relies on a stance of epistemic certitude about the moral contours of imagined ideal worlds, against which the failings of our present world betray themselves. These contours may be explicitly defined, as in the grand theoretical traditions of socialism or liberalism, or they may be more subtly invoked in common terms of political indictment—as the term “unjust” references the idea of a just world, or “regressive” implies a teleological directionality to progress. In both formulations, the worlds we strive toward appear morally coherent and intelligible, even if the pathways to achieve them are not. The antithesis between the politics we advocate and the politics we critique is rendered unequivocal, even if its resolution is perpetually deferred. Another world seems possible, which may never have been and may never be, if only as a measure of the one we live in. I call this critical stance determinative critique, in that it overdetermines its object of critique as the dialectical negation of an imagined future, and in so doing, temporally stabilizes the object as a durable configuration of signs and forces driven by systemic—albeit bracketed by the vagaries of history—and metaphysical—albeit materialist—logics, such as the concentration of power, the acquisition of wealth, or the extermination of difference. Determinative critique thus follows an expositional narratological method which Daniel Miller (2010) calls “depth ontology,” peeling back the epiphenomenal layers of society’s onion to reveal the ontological kernel feeding the machine.In search of objects of critique that lend themselves to depth ontologies, determinative critique is often forced to invent them. Classical Marxism, for example, constructed as much as it analyzed capitalism as an empirically discrete and historically bounded category (Gibson-Graham, 2006; Robinson, 2000), and Philip Abrams (1988) makes a similar point about the reification of the state in political sociology. While these arguments are concerned with the analytical viability of social theory’s essentialist fictions, especially those that endure in even ostensibly anti-essentialist theoretical traditions, the utility of such fictions is more political than analytical—to furnish an object for the depth ontological readings of determinative critique. To Marx’s famous dictum in Theses on Feuerbach that “the philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it” (1998, 571), one might add that philosophical critiques interpretively produce the worlds they find congruous with programmatic visions of change. Epistemic certitude in moral worlds certainly has its uses and abuses in political activism—akin to what Gayatri Spivak (1988) calls “strategic essentialism”—but it leaves determinative critique ill at ease with political formations that are contradictory, incoherent, unintended, self-negating, even suicidal. The growing likelihood of ecological catastrophe and planetary death in our lifetimes, for instance, raises questions about how to theorize human systems whose extractive impulses negate the very possibility of their own survival.

Yet it is precisely in these periods of rupture that critique is often called upon to render legible sudden disruptions in the prevailing organization of power relations. Critique is therefore integral to the experience of crisis as an endemic condition of modernity (Boland, 2013; Koselleck, 2006). As Janet Roitman (2014) argues, crisis occasions critique by interrupting the normativity of history and serving as a moral diagnostic of the incongruity between past and present, between historical events and their representations. She thus calls the invocation of crisis “necessarily a post hoc interrogation” which self-referentially produces crisis as an a priori condition for historical consciousness. However, while Roitman’s critique rightly challenges the deceptive historicity of crisis as a sociological category, it leaves the epistemic certitudes of critique itself relatively untroubled. As a provocation to thought, I want to flip this proposition on its head and suggest that crisis is precisely that precipitous juncture of ontological uncertainty which momentarily obscures the moral contours of imagined worlds. It is a state of radical liminality and potentiality which—to borrow analogically from Benjamin’s (1996) discussion of divine violence—briefly escapes the dialectics of history, before being eventually folded back into the familiar grids of determinative critique (Guzmán, 2014).

With this argument, I do not mean to discount that crisis can serve as a contextualizing metaphor to describe chronic contradictions which normalize the experience of liminality (Vigh, 2008)—think of the “permanent crisis” of capitalism or the “forever wars” of empire—nor, conversely, to deny that crisis narratives problematically reinscribe temporal exceptionalism as an analytical frame, ultimately occluding shared structural conditions from view (Ramsay, 2020). Here, I am simply interested in recuperating the emergent, aleatory register of ethnographic objects, which is crystallized most palpably in moments of crisis when the futurity of politics as we know it is thrown into doubt. Take, for example, the unexpected demise of US Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, which sealed the Court’s rightward tilt for an entire generation. While progressives had been urging her for years to retire during Obama’s presidency, the news of her death on the evening of September 18th, 2020, rent apart the fabric of social justice in an instant and beckoned to another world requiring new moral strategies, alignments, and practices of critique, to guard against future destructions that we cannot, even now, fully grasp.

One could of course argue that ethnographic objects are intrinsically emergent, unstable, and subject to (re)assemblage, as Bruno Latour (2005) proffers through Gabriel Tarde’s sociological method. However, these objects gradually lose their traces of emergence as their semantic heterogeneity is sedimented into the dead letters of the archive. Ariella Azoulay (2019) thus calls for “potentializing history,” disrupting the archival conditions that make the disasters of our present appear a foregone conclusion, and recovering the ruptures that at one time gestured to the possibility of other worlds—or in her words, “an archival point zero from which one could begin to see that which could not have been seen” (Azoulay 2013, 551). While such ruptures signify for Azoulay the reconstruction of unrealized political possibilities, there is also an essentially tragic tone to potentializing the long catalogue of historical foreclosures which have brought us to our present. Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism (1976) is perhaps one of the finest examples of history written in the tragic mode, where tragedy references not simply a chronicle of violence foretold—which inevitably leads European political theory to the figure of the death camp—but the persistent sense that history could potentially have been otherwise (Cabot, 2016).

The project of potentializing, however, operates differently as an ethnographic imperative than it does as Azoulay’s historiographic one, for ethnographic objects—and the analytical commitments undergirding their study—are incessantly contemporary. If Johannes Fabian (1983) once accused anthropology of suppressing the temporality of emergence by freezing it in an “ethnographic present,” anthropologists of crisis are frequently confronted by objects whose contours change shape before the ethnographic gaze can fix them in place. Potentializing the contemporary thus calls for an attunement to politically open-ended objects whose logics are not yet discernible and whose systemic ends are not yet mapped. The philosophical mood of this attunement can be tragic in its own right, as moments of crisis invariably portend the destruction to come. And yet, determinative critique too often requires prematurely resolving and synthesizing the meaning of emergent formations by filtering them through a priori ethico-political grids of intelligibility. By contrast, what one might call an indeterminative mode of critique must resist such temptations to totalize its object and, divested of its epistemic certitude, afford space for utterances of moral irresolvability that concede: “we know not what is to be done.”

So, what would an indeterminative critique of resilience look like? Anthropological responses to resilience discourse are unsurprisingly suspicious of its neoliberal echoes—characterized by a normative emphasis on adaptability, self-reliance, and risk management (Lenner & Turner, 2019; Omata, 2023)—mirroring theoretical arguments proffered by critical international relations scholars (Chandler & Reid, 2016; Duffield, 2013; Evans & Reid, 2014; Joseph, 2016; Neocleous, 2013; Welsh, 2014; Zebrowski, 2013). As I have argued elsewhere (Firoz, 2022a), such critiques of resilience frequently draw their critical thrust from an overdetermined history of the demise of the welfare state, and as such, are invariably prone to diagnose resilience as little more than an extension of neoliberal ontologies to international aid. While there are certainly important resonances between neoliberal and resilience-building strategies, the espousal of resilience as a programmatic principle in humanitarian work poses a very different problem-space because humanitarianism does not harbor the responsibilities of a traditional welfare regime, nor are its beneficiaries politically addressed as rights-bearing subjects of this regime. Rather, the Resilience Agenda advocates for expanding public infrastructure in asylum states precisely in response to the aid sector’s situated history of minimalist interventionism and the perceived need for more long-term structural solutions to mass displacement.

An indeterminative critique of humanitarian reason acknowledges both the neoliberal echoes of resilience discourse as well as the need to transcend the limits of humanitarian minimalism. It suggests that the integration of humanitarianism with development complicates the former’s ethical commitments, while also recognizing that such integrations may be crucial for addressing displacement at the scale we will witness in our lifetimes. It challenges the constriction of traditional refugee rights under the aegis of resilience, but holds that moral exhortation in productive tension with the contemporary dilution of the meaning of citizenship itself. More generally, an indeterminative critique recognizes that to be resilient is both a political act of vitality, resistance, and survival, as well as an indictment of the forms of juridical abandonment that render such capacities necessary. Among all of these agonistic possibilities, indeterminative critique is acutely aware that the archive of resilience humanitarianism has yet to be settled. That is why—in a somewhat tangential twist on Fabian—such ethnographies of crisis can only be written in the past tense, not only to disavow the ethnographer’s sovereign purveyance of coevality, but to acknowledge that the present perpetually outstrips the ethnographer. Ethnographic critique has but a fleeting temporality which always already belongs in the past.

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